In what ways has technology ended the physical and intellectual Research Paper

In what ways has technology ended the physical and intellectual isolation of Americans - Research Paper Example revolution. This â€Å"technological determinism† incorporated technology and science in impacting the society and its processes; thus widely accepted by progress-oriented Americans. Believers of humankind’s steady moral and material improvement such as Thomas Jefferson and Benjamin Franklin championed the pursuit of science and technology for human betterment. The twentieth century commenced with the advent of professional advertising associated with dominance of technology. Challenges were however unavoidable especially with the social, economic and emotional effects that technological change posed on human life. While adherents were constantly swayed by its dynamism, scholars of technology and culture wondered how something so evidently wrong-headed attracted so much attention. It is therefore evident that the leaders of the eighteenth-century Enlightenment in their faith and enthusiasm toward technology as a liberating force perceived technological determinism as an intellectual heritage. Additionally, the proponents and skeptics in addition to conjuring the deterministic thinking both believed that technology and science were powerful social change agents.

Linguistics and Interjections Essay Example for Free

Linguistics and Interjections Essay In Western philosophy and linguistic theory, interjections—that is, words like oof, ouch, and bleah—have traditionally been understood to indicate emotional states. This article offers an account of interjections in Q’eqchi’ Maya that illuminates their social and discursive functions. In particular, it discusses the grammatical form of interjections, both in Q’eqchi’ and across languages, and characterizes the indexical objects and pragmatic functions of interjections in Q’eqchi’ in terms of a semiotic framework that may be generalized for other languages. With these grammatical forms, indexical objects, and pragmatic functions in hand, it details the various social and discursive ends that interjections serve in one Q’eqchi’ community, thereby shedding light on local values, norms, ontological classes, and social relations. In short, this article argues against interpretations of interjections that focus on internal emotional states by providing an account of their meanings in terms of situational, discursive, and social context. p a u l k o c k e l m a n is McKennan Post-Doctoral Fellow in Linguistic Anthropology in the Department of Anthropology at Dartmouth College (Hanover, N. H. 03755, U. S. A. [paul. [emailprotected] edu]). Born in 1970, he was educated at the University of California, Santa Cruz (B. A. , 1992) and the University of Chicago (M. S. , 1994; Ph. D. , 2002). His publications include â€Å"The Collection of Copal among the Q’eqchi’-Maya† (Research in Economic Anthropology 20:163–94), â€Å"Factive and Counterfactive Clitics in Q’eqchi’-Maya: Stance, Status, and Subjectivity,† in Papers from the Thirty-eighth Annual Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistics Society (Chicago: Linguistics Society, in press), and â€Å"The Interclausal Relations Hierarchy in Q’eqchi’ Maya† (International Journal of American Linguistics 69:25–48). The present paper was submitted 1 vi 01 and accepted 27 xii 02. 1. A longer version of this article was presented at the workshop â€Å"Semiotics: Culture in Context† at the University of Chicago in January 2001. Chris Ball, Anya Bernstein, John Lucy, and Michael Silverstein all provided very helpful commentary. This article also greatly bene? ted from suggestions made by Benjamin S. Orlove and several anonymous referees. Western philosophy and linguistic theory have traditionally considered interjections at the periphery of language and primordially related to emotion. For example, the Latin grammarian Priscian de? ned interjections as â€Å"a part of speech signifying an emotion by means of an unformed word† (Padley 1976:266). Muller (1862) ? thought that interjections were at the limit of what might be called language. Sapir (1921:6–7) said that they were â€Å"the nearest of all language sounds to instinctive utterance. † Bloom? eld (1984[1933]:177) said that they â€Å"occur under a violent stimulus,† and Jakobson (1960: 354) considered them exemplars of the â€Å"purely emotive stratum of language. † While interjections are no longer considered peripheral to linguistics and are now carefully de? ned with respect to their grammatical form, their meanings remain vague and elusive. In particular, although interjections are no longer characterized purely in terms of emotion, they are still characterized in terms of â€Å"mental states. † For example, Wierzbicka (1992:164) characterizes interjections as â€Å"[referring] to the speaker’s current mental state or mental act. † Ameka (1992a:107) says that â€Å"from a pragmatic point of view, interjections may be de?ned as a subset of items that encode speaker attitudes and communicative intentions and are contextbound,† and Montes (1999:1289) notes that many interjections â€Å"[focus] on the internal reaction of affectedness of the speaker with respect to the referent. † Philosophers have offered similar interpretations. For example, Herder thought that interjections were the human equivalent of animal sounds, being both a â€Å"language of feeling† and a â€Å"law of nature† (1966:88), and Rousseau, pursuing the origins of language, theorized that protolanguage was â€Å"entirely interjectional† (1990:71). Indeed, such philosophers have posited a historical transition from interjections to language in which the latter allows us not only to index pain and express passion but also to denote values and exercise reason (D’Atri 1995). 2 Thus interjections have been understood as a semiotic artifact of our natural origins and the most transparent index of our emotions. Such an understanding of interjections is deeply rooted in Western thought. Aristotle (1984), for example, posited a contrastive relationship between voice, proper only to humans as instantiated in language, and sound, shared by humans and animals as instantiated in cries. This contrastive relation was then compared with other analogous contrastive relations, in particular, value and pleasure/pain, polis and household, and bios (the good life, or political life proper to humans) and zoe (pure life, shared by all living things). Such a contrast is so pervasive that modern philosophers such as Agamben (1995) have devoted much of their scholarly work to the thinking out of this tradition and others built on it such as id versus ego in the Freudian paradigm. In short, the folk distinction made between interjections and language 2. D’Atri (1995:124) argues that, for Rousseau, â€Å"interjections . . . are sounds and not voices: they are passive registerings and as such do not presuppose the intervention of will, which is what characterizes human acts of speech. † 467 468 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 44, Number 4, August–October 2003 proper maps onto a larger set of distinctions in Western thought: emotion and cognition, animality and humanity, nature and culture, female and male, passion and reason, bare life and the good life, pain and value, private and public, and so on (see, e.g. , Lutz 1988, Strathern 1988). In this article I avoid such abstracting and dichotomizing traps by going straight to the heart of interjections: their everyday usage in actual discourse when seen in the context of local culture and grounded in a semiotic framework. I begin by characterizing the linguistic and ethnographic context in which I carried out my research and go on to relate interjections to other linguistic forms, showing how they are both similar to and distinct from other classes of words in natural languages. Next I provide and exemplify a semiotic framework, generalizable across languages, in terms of which the indexical objects and pragmatic functions of interjections can best be characterized. Then I detail the local usage of the 12 most commonly used interjections in Q’eqchi’ and show the way in which they are tied into all things cultural: values, norms, ontological classes, social relations, and so on. I conclude by discussing the relative frequency with which the various forms and functions of interjections are used. In short, I argue against interpretations of interjections that focus on emotional states by providing an account of their meanings in terms of situational, discursive, and social context. Linguistic and Ethnographic Context While I am attempting to provide as wide a theoretical account of interjections as I can, thereby providing a metalanguage for speaking about similar sign phenomena in other languages, I am also trying to capture the grammatical niceties of Q’eqchi’ Maya and the discursive and social particularities of one Q’eqchi’-speaking village in particular. Before I begin my analysis, then, I want to sketch the linguistic and ethnographic context in which I worked. Q’eqchi’ is a language in the Kichean branch of the Mayan family, spoken by some 360,000 speakers in Guatemala (in the departments of Alta Verapaz, Izabel, and Peten) and Belize (Kaufman 1974, Stewart 1980). 3 Lin? guistically, Q’eqchi’ is relatively well described: scholars such as Berinstein (1985), Sedat (1955), Stewart (1980), Stoll (1896), and Chen Cao et al. (1997) have discussed its syntax, morphology, phonology, and lexicon, and I have detailed various morphosyntactic forms (encoding grammatical categories such as mood, status, evidentiality, taxis, and inalienable possession) as they intersect with sociocultural values and contextual features and as they illuminate local modes of personhood (Kockelman 3. Typologically, Q’eqchi’ is a morphologically ergative, head-marking language. In Q’eqchi’, vowel length (signaled by doubling letters) is phonemic; /k/ and /q/ are velar and uvular plosives, respectively, and /x/ and /j/ are palato-alveolar and velar fricatives, respectively. All other phonemes have their standard IPA values. 2002, 2003a, b). This article is therefore part of a larger project in which I examine how intentional and evaluative stances are encoded in natural languages and the relations that such stances bear to local modes of subjectivity. Alta Verapaz, the original center of the Q’eqchi’-speaking people who still make up the majority of its population, has had a unusual history even by Guatemalan standards. In 1537, after the Spanish crown had failed to conquer the indigenous peoples living there, the Dominican Friar Bartolome de Las Casas was permitted to ?pacify the area through religious methods. Having succeeded, he changed the name of the area from Tezulutlan (Land of War) to Verapaz (True Peace), and the Dominicans were granted full control over the area—the state banning secular immigration, removing all military colonies, and nullifying previous land grants. In this way, for almost 300 years the area remained an isolated enclave, relatively protected by the paternalism of the church in comparison with other parts of Guatemala (King 1974, Sapper 1985). This ended abruptly in the late 1800s, however, with the advent of coffee growing, liberal reforms, and the in? ux of Europeans (Cambranes 1985, Wagner 1996). Divested of their land and forced to work on coffee plantations, the Q’eqchi’ began migrating north into the unpopulated lowland forests of the Peten ? and Belize (Adams 1965, Carter 1969, Howard 1975, Kockelman 1999, Pedroni 1991, Saa Vidal 1979, Schwartz 1990, Wilk 1991). In the past 40 years this migration has been fueled by a civil war that has ravaged the Guatemalan countryside, with the Q’eqchi’ ? eeing not just scarce resources and labor quotas but also their own nation’s soldiers—often forcibly conscripted speakers of other Mayan languages (Carmack 1988, IWGIA 1978, Wilson 1995). As a consequence, the past century has seen the Q’eqchi’ population spread from Alta Verapaz to the Peten and ? nally to Belize, Mexico, and even the ? United States. Indeed, although only the fourth largest of some 24 Mayan languages, Q’eqchi’ is thought to have the largest percentage of monolinguals, and the ethnic group is Guatemala’s fastest-growing and most geographically extensive (Kaufman 1974, Stewart 1980). The two key ethnographies of Q’eqchi’-speakers have been written by Wilk (1991) and Wilson (1995), the former treating household ecology in Belize and the latter upheavals in village life and identity at the height of the civil war in highland Guatemala during the 1980s. In addition to these monographs, there are also a number of dissertations and articles on the history (King 1974, Sapper 1985, Wagner 1996), ecology (Carter 1969, Secaira 1992, Wilson 1972), and migration (Adams 1965, Howard 1975, Pedroni 1991) of Q’eqchi’-speaking  people. The data for this article are based on almost two years of ethnographic and linguistic ? eldwork among speakers of Q’eqchi’, most of it in Ch’inahab, a village of some 80 families (around 650 people) in the municipality of San Juan Chamelco, in the department of Alta Verapaz. At an altitude of approximately 2,400 m, Ch’inahab is one of the highest villages in this area, with an annual precipitation of more than 2,000 mm. It is also one of k o c k e l m a n The Meanings of Interjections in Q’eqchi’ Maya F 469  the most remote, access to the closest road requiring a three-hour hike down a steep and muddy single-track trail. Its relatively high altitude and remote location provide the perfect setting for cloud forest, and such a cloud forest provides the perfect setting for the resplendent quetzal, being home to what is thought to be the highest density of such birds in the world. Because of the existence of the quetzal and the cloud forest in which it makes its home, Ch’inahab has been the site of a successful eco-tourism project the conditions and consequences of which are detailed in my dissertation (Kockelman 2002). While the majority of villagers in Ch’inahab are monolingual speakers of Q’eqchi’, some men who have served time in the army or worked as itinerant traders speak some Spanish. All the villagers are Catholic. Ch’inahab is divided by a mountain peak with dwellings on both of its sides and in the surrounding valleys. It takes about 45 minutes to hike across the village. At one end there is a biological station kept by the eco-tourism project and used sporadically by European ecologists, and at the other there is a Catholic church and a cemetery. In the center there is a small store, a school for primary and secondary grades, and a soccer ? eld. The surrounding landscape is cloud forest giving way to scattered house sites, agricultural parcels, pasture, and ? elds now fallow. All villagers engage in corn-based, or milpa, agriculture, but very few have enough land to ful? ll all of their subsistence needs. 4 For this reason, many women in the village are dedicated to chicken husbandry, most men in the village engage in seasonal labor on plantations (up to ?ve months a year in some cases), and many families engage in itinerant trade (women weaving baskets and textiles for the men to sell) and eco-tourism (the women hosting tourists and the men guiding them). Dwelling sites often contain a scattering of houses in which reside an older couple and their married sons, all of whom share a water source and a pasture. The individual families themselves often have two houses, a relatively traditional thatched-roof house in which the family cooks and sleeps and a relatively new house with a tin roof in which they host festivals and in which older children and ecotourists may sleep. Because of eco-tourism and the in? ux of money and strangers that it brings, there has been an increase in the construction of such tin-roofed houses, and, as will be seen, many of my examples of interjections come from such construction contexts. My data on the use of interjections among villagers in Ch’inahab comes from 14 months of ? eldwork carried out between 1998 and 2001. The data collection con4. Before 1968, what is now Ch’inahab was owned by the owner of a plantation. Q’eqchi’-speakers who lived in the village of Popobaj (located to the south of and lower than Ch’inahab) were permitted to make their milpa in this area in exchange for two weeks of labor per month on the ? nca (Secaira 1992:20). Only in 1968, when a group of villagers got together to form a land acquisition committee, were some 15 caballer? as (678 ha) of land purchased from the owner ? for 4,200 quetzals (US$4,200). This land, while legally owned by the entire community, was divided among the original 33 villagers as a function of their original contributions.  sisted in part of characterizing tokens of usage when I heard them and in part of tracking tokens of usage through recordings of naturally occurring conversations. 5 In particular, given the fact that many interjections occur in relatively nonconversational, task-engaged situations (house building, planting, playing, cooking, etc. ), trying to record them in such contexts was futile. Luckily, as will be seen, they often occur in modes of disruption (when some goal-directed action goes awry), which makes them relatively easy to notice in real-time context and their contextual regularities relatively easy to stipulate. In addition, I tape-recorded naturally occurring conversations in the households of three families once a week over several months, usually at dinnertime. 6 After I describe the forms and meanings of the interjections I will discuss the relative frequency of the various tokens collected and thereby illuminate which forms and meanings are most often used by whom. The Grammatical Form of Interjections There are four criteria by which interjections may be differentiated from other linguistic forms within a particular language and generalized as a form class across languages (Ameka 1992, Bloom?eld 1984[1933], Jespersen 1965, Wilkins 1992). First, all interjections are conventional lexical forms, or words, that can constitute utterances on their own (Wilkins 1992). They are conventional in that their sign carriers have relatively standardized and arbitrary phonological forms, and they can constitute utterances on their own because their only syntagmatic relation with other linguistic forms is parataxis—in which two forms are â€Å"united by the use of only one sentence pitch† (Bloom? eld 1984[1933]:171). They can therefore stand alone as perfectly sensible stretches of talk before and after which there is silence. Second, with few exceptions, no interjection is simultaneously a member of another word class (Ameka 1992a, Wilkins 1992). Almost all of them are what Ameka (1992a:105), following Bloom? eld (1984[1933]), calls primary interjections: â€Å"little words or non-words which . . . can constitute an utterance by themselves and do not normally enter into constructions with other word classes. † In Q’eqchi’, the main exceptions are interjections built, through lexical extension, from the primary interjection ay. In the case of ay dios, the additional 5. I also include several examples of interjection usage that occurred in the context of ethnographic interviews about topics other than interjections, for these often indicated that an ethnographic question was poorly posed or inappropriate in the local context. I also carried out extensive interviews about the meanings of interjections with native speakers (see Kockelman 2002 for an extended discussion of the relationship between form, usage, and speakers’ re? ections). 6.  Indeed, the best two accounts of interjection-like things— â€Å"response cries† in Goffman (1978) and â€Å"emblematic gestures† in Sherzer (1993)—explicitly take into account social interaction and ethnographic description. Good accounts of the discursive use of interjections are offered by De Bruyn (1998), Ehlich (1986), Gardner (1998), and Meng and Schrabback (1999). 470 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 44, Number 4, August–October 2003 element, dios, is a loan noun from Spanish, meaning â€Å"god. † In the case of ay dios atinyuwa’, besides the Spanish loanword there is a Q’eqchi’ expression, at-in-yuwa’ (you [are] my father). Interjections of this latter kind, which are or involve forms that belong to other word classes, will be called secondary interjections (again following Ameka and Bloom? eld). Similarly, the English secondary interjections damn and heavens may be used as both interjections and verbs or nouns. Third, with few exceptions, an interjection consists of a single morpheme and undergoes neither in? ectional nor derivational processes (Wilkins 1992). Interjections cannot be in? ectionally marked for grammatical categories such as tense or number, and they cannot be further derived into another form class such as noun or verb. Such forms are often classi? ed as a subclass of â€Å"particles† or discourse markers (see Ameka 1992a, Fraser 1999, Jespersen 1965, Schiffrin 1987, Wilkins 1992, and Zwicky 1985). In Q’eqchi’ there are three exceptions to this characterization. First, uyaluy is what I will call a reduplicative interjection, being composed, through syllabic reduplication, from the interjection uy. Second, ay dios and ay dios atinyuwa’ are what I will call extended interjections, being composed, through lexical extension, from the interjection ay. And lastly, the interjection ay may undergo further derivation into a delocutionary verb (becoming ayaynak, â€Å"to cry or yell continually,† often said of dogs howling), which may then undergo normal verbal in? ection for grammatical categories such as tense, aspect, person, and number. Lastly, although it is not a criterial feature, many of these forms are phonologically or morphologically anomalous, having features which mark them as odd or unique relative to the standard lexical forms of a language. For example, unlike most Q’eqchi’ words, in which stress falls on the last syllable (Stewart 1980), the interjection uyaluy has syllable-initial stress. Similarly, while reduplication is a common morphological process in Q’eqchi’ (Stewart 1980), the reduplicative interjection uyaluy is derived through a nonstandard morphological form. While many Q’eqchi’ words involve a glottalized alveolar stop, the interjection t’ is also implosive. 7 Whereas the Spanish loanword dios is usually phonetically assimilated in Q’eqchi’ as tiox when used as a noun, in the interjection ay dios there is no devoicing of the initial consonant of this noun (i.e. , /d/ does not become /t/) or palatization of its ? nal consonant (i. e. , /s/ does not become /x/). And the interjection sht differs from ordinary Q’eqchi’ words in using /sh/, rather than a vowel, as a syllabic (see Bloom? eld 1984[1933]:121). In short, it is clear from the number of quali? cations that interjections, like most linguistic forms, are dif? cult to characterize with necessary and suf? cient conditions (see Taylor 1995, Zwicky 1985). Nevertheless, they may simultaneously be differentiated from other form classes within a particular language and generalized as a form class across languages. 7. Often called a â€Å"dental click† (Wilkins 1992) or a â€Å"suction stop† (Jespersen 1965:90). Readers who speak some Spanish may have noticed that many Q’eqchi’ interjections look similar to Spanish interjections—ay (dios), uy, ah, eh, sht—and even to English interjections (sh[t] and t’). While I have no historical data that would attest to such a claim, given the history of sustained linguistic contact between speakers of Spanish and Q’eqchi’ via the colonial encounter and between speakers of Spanish and English this should come as no surprise. The one good account of interjections in Spanish (Montes 1999) discusses only a small range of the discursive functions of interjections and focuses on the internal state of the speaker. As I will show, however, the meanings of some of these interjections in Q’eqchi’ seem to bear a resemblance to their meanings in Spanish, as far as can be discerned from the comparative data. In this way, these â€Å"loan interjections† show that almost any linguistic form may be borrowed (see Brody 1995) with some maintenance of its meaning. The Meanings of Q’eqchi’ Interjections  Although interjections are relatively easy to characterize from the standpoint of grammatical form, there is no framework in terms of which one may order and compare their meanings—that is, the classes of objects and signs that they index (and thereby stand in a relationship of contiguity with) and the types of pragmatic functions they serve (and thereby may be used as a means to achieve). In what follows, I frame their use in terms of situational, discursive, and social context. I will begin with an extended example through which the framework will become clear. The Q’eqchi’ interjection chix indexes loathsome objects in the situational context. For example, when picking up his bowl of food from the ground, a man notices that he has set it in chicken feces. â€Å"Chix,† he says, scraping the bowl on the dirt to wipe off the feces. His wife, herself responsible for the chicken, then takes his bowl for herself and gives him a new one. Similarly, when opening the door to her house early one morning, a woman notices that the dog has vomited right outside the doorway. â€Å"Chix,† she says, and her ? ve-year-old son comes over to look. She tells him to scrape it away with a machete. Like most interjections that have indexical objects in the situational context, this interjection serves to call another’s attention to the object. 8 Relatedly, and as a function of responsibility assessment (husband 1 wife 1 child), it directs another’s attention to what must be cleaned up, avoided, etc. The interjection chix may also be transposed to index a sign denoting or characterizing a loathsome object (see Buhler 1990). In such cases of sign-based transposition, ? the interjection is in a relationship of contiguity with a 8. Montes (1999:1293) notes that most of the Spanish interjections she examined â€Å"seem to be associated with seeing. We ? nd that a large number of the interjections [ah, oh, uh, ay, oy, uy] used in the conversations examined co-occur with directives to ‘see’ or ‘look at’ or as a response to these directives. † k o c k e l m a n The Meanings of Interjections in Q’eqchi’ Maya F 471 sign that denotes or characterizes the object or event in question (rather than being in contiguity with the actual object or event, as in the usage of chix just discussed). In other words, it is as if the speaker were inhabiting the frame of the narrated event (Buhler 1990). In this way, ? the interjection chix indexes not just loathsomeness but also signs that refer to or predicate qualities of loathsome objects. Insofar as the denotatum of such a sign has the same qualities and values as the object itself, the modality of contiguity (being able to taste, touch, see, or smell the object in question) is suspended while the ontological class of the object (loathsomeness) is maintained. For example, in telling a story to a group of  men about a friend who was bitten by a poisonous spider while working on a plantation in the lowland area of Guatemala, the speaker describes the pus blisters that rose up on his friend’s arm. â€Å"Chix,† says one of the men listening. The other men laugh, and before continuing his story the speaker adds that the pus blisters took two weeks to heal. Like most interjections that undergo signbased transposition, such usage often serves as a backchannel cue, indicating that the speaker is listening but cannot or does not want to contribute to the topic at hand (Brown and Yule 1983:90–94; Duncan 1973; compare the usage of mmm or jeez in English). Lastly, the interjection chix may be transposed to index an addressee’s relation of contiguity with a loathsome object. In such cases of addressee-based transposition, the situational indexical object is transposed to a person other than the speaker. The speaker’s sign is audible (a relation of contiguity) to the addressee, who is in a relationship of contiguity with the object. In other words, it is as if the speaker were inhabiting the ad? dressee’s current corporal?  eld (see Buhler 1990, Hanks 1990), and, again, the modality of contiguity is suspended while the ontological class is maintained. For example, a mother watching her three-year-old son approach a dog that is defecating wormy stool calls out to him â€Å"Chix. † The child stops his advance and watches from a distance. In this most addressee-focused way, the sign is used by a parent to index that a child is within reach (typically tactile) of a disgusting object and serves as an imperative not to touch the object. Interjections are primarily indexical (see Peirce 1955) in that they stand for their objects by a relationship of contiguity rather than by a relationship of convention (as in the case of symbols) or similarity (as in the case of icons). 9 Although the indexical modality of interjections is emphasized in this article, the symbolic modality is always present in at least two interrelated ways. First, and trivially, the interjection itself has a standard9. If interjections were iconic, then they would be expected to resemble their objects. The problem with this, as exempli?  ed by Kryk-Kastovsky’s (1997) argument that interjections are the most iconic of all linguistic elements expressing surprise, is that one needs to know what â€Å"surprise† looks like when usually our only indication of surprise is the interjection or behavior itself. However, interjections as indexical of situational and discursive objects do in certain cases have iconic modalities of meaning (see, e. g. , the discussion of ay, ay dios, and ay dios atinyuwa’ below). ized but relatively arbitrary form that is conventionally used by members of a given linguistic community. Second, interjections conventionally stand in a relation of contiguity with particular classes of objects. These conventional classes of indexical objects are present in two ways. First, across interjections, one may characterize what semiotic class of objects is being indexed. Second, in the case of any particular interjection, one may characterize what ontological class of objects is being indexed. Besides indexing objects or signs in the immediate context, interjections have pragmatic functions: they serve as a means to achieve certain ends. For example, chix variously serves as an attentative (when nontransposed), a back-channel cue (when undergoing sign-based transposition), and an imperative (when undergoing addressee-based transposition). Both the objects indexed and the pragmatic functions served (see Silverstein 1987) are integral aspects of the meanings of interjections. Finally, interjections may index more than one object at once. In particular, they may index objects, signs, internal states, and social relations. In what follows, I will refer to these distinct types of indexical objects as situational, discursive, expressive, and social, respectively. Situational indexical objects are the objects or events in the immediate context of the speech event. Discursive indexical objects are the signs that occur in the speech event. 10 Together, situational and discursive indexical objects are the most stable co-occurrence regularities that interjections possess and therefore the only ones that are easy to tabulate. Expressive indexical objects are the intentional stances of the speaker—the putative mental states, whether construed as â€Å"cognitive† or â€Å"emotive. †11 Lastly, social indexical objects are the various social roles inhabited by the speaker or addressee (gender, ethnicity, age, etc. ) or the social relations that exist between the two (status, deference, politeness, etc. ). For example, chix may index not only a loathsome object in the situational context but a social relation (parentchild, husband-wife, raconteur–appreciative listener) and, in many cases, an internal state (â€Å"disgust†). And the interjection ay not only indexes a painful object in the situational context or an unexpected answer in the dis10. This is not quite the standard distinction between â€Å"text† and â€Å"context† (Montes 1999 and Wilkins 1992). For example, while it is tempting to put sign-based transposition into the discursive context for the purposes of schematizing the data, sign-based transpositions make sense only in terms of the qualities of the objects referred to by the sign indexed by the interjection. In contrast, an unsolicited response such as a dubitive is directed at the truth of another’s assertion rather than at any particular quality of the state of affairs predicated by that assertion. For this reason, dubitives belong to the discursive context and sign-based transpositions to the situational context. 11. Whereas interjections creatively index expressive indexical objects in that the interjection is often the only sign of the internal state in question, they presupposedly index situational and discursive indexical objects in that both interjection and indexical object are simultaneously present in context (see Silverstein 1976 for this distinction). This difference in semiotic status (presupposing/creative) maps onto a putative difference in ontological status (world/mind). 472 F c u r r e n t a n t h ro p o l o g y Volume 44, Number 4, August–October 2003 cursive context but also an internal state (pain) in the expressive context and a role in the social context (in particular, female gender). Many interjections index signs in the discursive context in that they co-occur with (or serve as) a response to an addressee’s previous utterance or a nonresponse. In the case of a response, the use of an interjection occurs after and makes sense only relative to the addressee’s previous utterance. For example, the interjection ih indexes an addressee’s previous statement and serves as a registerative, indicating that the speaker has heard and understood the statement. In the case of a nonresponse, the interjection may either elicit an addressee’s utterance (and thereby occur before it) or occur in the midst of the speaker.

The Two Stories Of Creation That Begin Genesis Religion Essay

The Two Stories Of Creation That Begin Genesis Religion Essay According the creation of genesis there two stories that differ from the other, but at the same time both of them have similarities .Genesis is the first book of the book which provokes conflict about creation of Earth. The first story of Genesis is introduced to Ps vision and how the creation was. Throughout this story, God human creation was in the six day; also God created humans by his own image. In the other side there is the second story of Genesis which represents the Js vision of creation, based on this story human have different origin from the first story. In Genesis II God did not created man by his own image, it was created of the dust of the ground(Genesis 2:7). Comparing both stories there is a huge difference of power between the two Gods. Moreover these two creations show evidence in different styles of writing and have conflict with it. Both versions of Genesis have been contrasted, in the first story of Genesis, the order of creation differ from Genesis II. In Genesis I the heaven was first, then came animals, and finally was the man. But in the other hand, Genesis II human was placed on Earth before the animals and nature.(genesis 1:1, genesis 2.1) After those different versions is really difficult to understand the truth of Gods creation. In comparison between these stories is that God created the Earth like human kind, but in different ways. The most important similarity is that God shows humans complete love and adornment and only gives them one strict measure not eat from the Tree of Knowledge in the Garden of Eden. But they do not obey him, and they eat from it anyway. Before the mankind comes, Genesis I have a lot of events such as firmament, waters, plants and animals. Meanwhile, in Genesis two the preparation for mans home was really emphatic and special planning upon human. There different emphases in the two storiesà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦., but the reason for these is obvious. Genesis I continue the narrative of creation until the climax, namely, man made in the image and likeliness of God. In Genesis II gives certain added details about mans original condition, which would have been incongruous and out of place in the grand, declarative in Genesis I(Edward J. Young, 1960).Therefore in Genesis II the center of this creation was human, it involves his setting and how perfect God created him. And at the same time in Genesis II there is no mention of creation of Earth and Oceans. There is no allusion to the sun, moon. The main purpose of this creation is to show how man was developing around the Earth. In contrast Genesis I explain us a general conclusion of this creation that have lastly a human without any details that involves him. Therefore, it show a man which was created without any main goal, this story basically describe an important care of environment as plants and nature. Moreover, Genesis I the creation of human takes place on the sixth day and is as follows, And God said, Let us make man in our image, in our likeness. As a result God created man in his image and also male and female.(Genesis 1:26) Be fertile an increase, fill the Earth and master it. The story of Adam and Eve portrays them as the two characters that did not have enough understanding of the effects of disobedience would bring to their lives and their next generations. In comparison, there is another similarity is that in the first account, there was a pre-existing watery chaos. The ocean was already present and a wind moved across the surface. The seas rested on the dry land , which appeared on day 3 when God gathered the waters together.(Genesis 1:1 to 2:4). The second story says that there was pre-existing dry land.AT first God created Adam, and then began to create all other living things. As a result God before created human being, he had made the water around the world. In version Ps God was the creator, there was no mention of laws and redeeming, how this God had made everything and was omniscient. This contrast from the Ps vision God, the evidence of this is found in Genesis II , where J explain, You shall no eat from it and you shall not touch it, lest you died. (Genesis 3:3) In this case it is referring to the tree of Knowledge, in the Garden of Eden. This shows evidence that Js God was the lawgiver and judgment giver. When comparing this to Ps God, we can observe that Js God was not as all knowledge. In Js vision found this disobedience from Adam and Eve, thats why he started the judgment. It is in this aspect that Js God is not omniscient. Another big contrast as we can see in Genesis II, God require materials to make Earth. This is opposed to how God is making Earth in Genesis I. in genesis I, the earth could bring forth vegetation, in Genesis II, there is no vegetation without rain and tillage of the ground by man; God has plant the first garden himself (Wybrow, 138) So, it demonstrates the difference in the Earth process to be set up. Furthermore, another difference is that in genesis I God doesnt have a very clear characterization because God was more a powerful and omniscient being. While in Genesis II God was less powerful, simply because it could not just imagine something into creation. The best way to reconcile the accounts was to assume that in the six days of creation, God created the potential for everything that unfolded, so that the potentiality for humanity was created on the sixth day, and this potentiality then became actual when activated by the breath of God. So it avoids contradictions between the two stories. It is a really interesting text which could be connected with the evolution.(Augustine of Hippo).Therefore in real life both stories are based with a same purpose, created the man and environment around him, but both creations did it at his own style. In conclusion, to me understand in Genesis I and Genesis II there are great comparisons and differences about the creation. Genesis I was written by the author P who is known as Priestly writer. Genesis II was written by the author J. I believe that Genesis I and II are very important to have an argument to discuss and analyze the creation of the earth and men.

Essay example --

Ben Dischert February 22 2014 Research paper J.C. Watts is having a very interesting life. He won the Orange bowl as child his uncle was state president of NAACP. J.C. played in the Canadian Football League [CFL]. Won the Orange bowl and had a in the Congress. He was even a Baptist minister. Here’s the life of Julius Caesar Watts Watts was born in Oklahoma on November 9, 1957. He grew up with 5 other siblings: Melvin, Lawrence, Mildred, Gwen and Darlene. J.C. was the second oldest. His parents were Helen and Buddy Watts. When Watts was little, his uncle Wade was state NAACP president of Oklahoma. When Watts started grade school, he was one of the first black kids to go to that school. After making it into high school, he told a story of when â€Å"he made it on the varsity football team as a quarterback but he was the second string. He got so mad about this. He quit the team and went home to tell his dad. But after talking to his dad .J.C. went back to his coach and asked if he could rejoin the team, the coach said â€Å"yes†. Once the coach put him in a game t...

Cognitive-Behavioral Case Study of London: A Conceptualization and Treatment Plan

In this conceptualization and treatment plan, the client’s presenting problems will be discussed in detail including symptoms and diagnosis. All disclosed problem areas for the client are described including, depression and anxiety. Cognitive behavioral theory is explained including the theory’s core concepts and key elements. Cognitive behavioral theory is utilized as the theory of choice throughout the treatment plan and conceptualization. The goals and interventions utilized are outlined also utilizing cognitive behavioral theory techniques. The goals for this client and treatment plan include; In conclusion the expected outcome of each intervention utilized is disclosed and all other challenges of the entire process are given. Presenting Concerns London presents as a 24-year old biracial woman of African-American and Caucasian decent. London came into counseling due to ongoing depression and poor peer relations caused by her anxiety and mistrust issues. London is a single mother recently discharged from the military with minimal support systems in place. She is currently working in a job she dislikes and feels trapped in her present life as it is. Her child’s father is incarcerated and she has been hiding this information from her family out of fear of judgment. London has four siblings three of which are younger than she. London and her siblings were raised by their paternal grandmother due to her parent’s drug abuse issues. London’s grandmother often displayed signs of depression during her childhood although it went undiagnosed without treatment. London described some symptoms of post-partum depression after the birth of her son, which went untreated. London does not have good relationships with her siblings nor does she have any solid peer relationships she feels she needs. London was raised as a Christian, but feels disconnected from God and guilty over her choices to have a child out of wedlock. London is now feeling increased anxiety about telling her family about her issues with her son’s father and what his return will do to their already strained relationship. Case Conceptualization Speaking to London revealed many issues with forming and maintain healthy relationships. London’s lack of substantial relational exchanges with her parents seems to have caused much anxiety now that she herself is a parent (she reports being anxious around her child). Both London’s mother and father were not present during the ties she was trying to build a solid sense of self-awareness. London reports constantly being indecisive about things, as she was unsure of her likes and dislikes. London may have developed a poor sense of self, as she felt rejected by both parents. That rejection has now resurfaced in the relationship with Zion’s father, Xavier. Like her parents, Xavier left London during a pivotal time in her life. London may now believe she will become withdrawn and distant towards her own child the way her mother and father had done to her. London’s disconnect from herself and reality continued throughout adulthood when her grandmother did not pay as much attention to her as she would’ve liked. London has allowed feelings of incompetence and inadequacy hinder her progress at work, school, and in her peer relationships. London developed a habit of distancing herself from others in an attempt to avoid developing relationships. This distance included her siblings as she indicated she does not call them, visit them, or take any of their calls. London is also dishonest about what is going in her life with her family. London’s distorted view on her relationships has fueled her desire to maintain unhealthy relationships with men including her children’s father and other male figures. London reports being afraid to break off the relationship as she does not feel she can find someone else. Goals and Interventions

DBQ on New England vs Chesapea essays

DBQ on New England vs Chesapea essays DBQ: New England vs. Chesapeake Region There are many different reasons why we are here today. The best explanation is probably due to the two English groups that first came to the New World in search of better lives, who later on were known as the Chesapeake and the New England regions; those who started the development of a rural and unknown world into one of the worlds most populated and economically rich nations; the United States of America. Those two English groups came for better lives, yet they had different reasons to settle; therefore developing two completely different societies. This is what developed the different characteristics between the New England and the Chesapeake region. One of the biggest differences between the New England and Chesapeake region is the reason why they established their colonies. The New England region consisted of separatist puritans that did not just want to purify the Anglican Church, but Protestants that wanted to separate from the Anglican Church to form the perfect church of God, instead of going through the trouble of reforming it. The separatist-puritans embarked on a ship heading to New England with a vision of being the idealistic civilization under Gods eyes and the civilization that others would look up to. They migrated in families, which also gave them a greater chance of survival there were two women for every three men. On the other hand, the Chesapeake Bay consisted mainly of young gentlemen that were blinded by their ambition for gold. The Chesapeake was established for economic wealth and was sent by the Virginia Company of London with the support of James I, who issued a charter for settlement. They did not think about the lifestyle they would lead in the New World, but the wealth they would gain there. These gold-hungry gentlemen were unqualified and unprepared to liv...

Biography of Toyotomi Hideyoshi, Unifier of Japan

Biography of Toyotomi Hideyoshi, Unifier of Japan Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1539–September 18, 1598) was the leader of Japan who reunified the country after 120 years of political fragmentation. During his rule, known as the Momoyama or Peach Mountain age, the country was united as a more-or-less peaceful federation of 200 independent daimyo (great lords), with himself as an imperial regent. Fast Facts: Toyotomi Hideyoshi Known For: Ruler of Japan, reunified the countryBorn: 1536 in Nakamura, Owari Province, JapanParents: Farmer and part-time soldier Yaemon and his wifeDied: September 18, 1598 at Fushimi castle, KyotoEducation: Trained as a military aide to Matsushita Yukitsana (1551–1558), then with Oda Nobunaga (1558–1582)Published Works: The Tensho-ki, a biography he commissionedSpouse(s): Chacha (principal concubine and mother of his children)Children: Tsurumatsu (1580–1591), Toyotomi Hideyori (1593–1615) Early Life Toyotomi Hideyoshi was born in 1536, in Nakamura, Owari Province, Japan.  He was the second child of Yaemon, a peasant farmer and part-time soldier for the Oda clan, who died in 1543  when the boy was 7 years old and his sister was about 10. Hideyoshi’s mother soon remarried. Her new husband also served Oda Nobuhide, the daimyo of the Owari region, and she had another son and daughter. Hideyoshi was small for his age and skinny. His parents sent him to a temple to get an education, but the boy ran away seeking adventure. In 1551, he joined the service of Matsushita Yukitsuna, a retainer of the powerful Imagawa family in Totomi province. This was unusual because both Hideyoshi’s father and his stepfather had served the Oda clan. Joining Oda Hideyoshi returned home in 1558 and offered his service to Oda Nobunaga, son of the daimyo. At the time, the Imagawa clans army of 40,000 was invading Owari, Hideyoshi’s home province. Hideyoshi took a huge gamble- the Oda army numbered only about 2,000.  In 1560, the Imagawa and Oda armies met in battle at Okehazama.  Oda Nobunaga’s tiny force ambushed the Imagawa troops in a driving rainstorm and scored an incredible victory, driving the invaders away. Legend says that 24-year-old Hideyoshi served in this battle as Nobunaga’s sandal-bearer. However, Hideyoshi does not appear in Nobunaga’s surviving writings until the early 1570s. Promotion Six years later, Hideyoshi led a raid that captured Inabayama Castle for the Oda clan. Oda Nobunaga rewarded him by making him a general. In 1570, Nobunaga attacked his brother-in-law’s castle, Odani. Hideyoshi led the first three detachments of one thousand samurai each against the well-fortified castle. Nobunaga’s army used the devastating new technology of firearms, rather than horse-mounted swordsmen. Muskets are not much use against castle walls, however, so Hideyoshi’s section of the Oda army settled in for a siege. By 1573, Nobunagas troops had defeated all of its enemies in the area. For his part, Hideyoshi received the daimyo-ship of three regions within Omi Province. By 1580, Oda Nobunaga had consolidated power in over 31 of Japans 66 provinces. Upheaval In 1582, Nobunagas general Akechi Mitsuhide turned his army against his lord, attacking and overrunning Nobunagas castle. Nobunagas diplomatic machinations had caused the hostage-murder of Mitsuhides mother.  Mitsuhide forced Oda Nobunaga and his eldest son to commit seppuku. Hideyoshi captured one of Mitsuhides messengers and learned of Nobunagas death the next day. He and other Oda generals, including Tokugawa Ieyasu, raced to avenge their lords death. Hideyoshi caught up with Mitsuhide first, defeating and killing him at the Battle of Yamazaki just 13 days after Nobunagas death. A succession fight erupted in the Oda clan. Hideyoshi supported Nobunagas grandson Oda Hidenobu. Tokugawa Ieyasu preferred the oldest remaining son Oda Nobukatsu. Hideyoshi prevailed, installing Hidenobu as the new Oda daimyo. Throughout 1584, Hideyoshi and Tokugawa Ieyasu engaged in intermittent skirmishes, none decisive. At the Battle of Nagakute, Hideyoshis troops were crushed, but Ieyasu lost three of his top generals. After eight months of this costly fighting, Ieyasu sued for peace. Hideyoshi now controlled 37 provinces. In conciliation, Hideyoshi distributed lands to his defeated foes in the Tokugawa and Shibata clans. He also granted lands to Samboshi and Nobutaka. This was a clear signal that he was taking power in his own name. Hideyoshi Reunifies Japan In 1583, Hideyoshi began construction on Osaka Castle, a symbol of his power and intent to rule all of Japan. Like Nobunaga, he refused the title of Shogun. Some courtiers doubted a farmer’s son could legally claim that title. Hideyoshi circumvented the potentially embarrassing debate by taking the title of kampaku, or regent, instead.  Hideyoshi then ordered the dilapidated Imperial Palace restored, and offered gifts of money to the cash-strapped imperial family. Hideyoshi also decided to bring the southern island of Kyushu under his authority. This island was home to the primary trading ports through which goods from China, Korea, Portugal, and other nations made their way into Japan. Many of the daimyo of Kyushu had converted to Christianity under the influence of Portuguese traders and Jesuit missionaries. Some had been converted by force, and Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines were destroyed. In November 1586, Hideyoshi sent a huge invasion force to Kyushu, totaling some 250,000 troops. A number of local daimyo rallied to his side as well, so it did not take long for the massive army to crush all resistance. As usual, Hideyoshi confiscated all of the land and then returned smaller portions to his defeated foes and rewarded his allies with much larger fiefdoms. He also ordered the expulsion of all Christian missionaries on Kyushu. The final reunification campaign took place in 1590. Hideyoshi sent another huge army, probably more than 200,000 men, to conquer the mighty Hojo clan, which ruled the area around Edo (now Tokyo).  Ieyasu and Oda Nobukatsu led the army, joined by a naval force to bottle up the Hojo resistance from the sea. The defiant daimyo Hojo Ujimasa withdrew to Odawara Castle and settled in to wait out Hideyoshi. After six months, Hideyoshi sent in Ujimasas brother to ask for the Hojo daimyos surrender. He refused, and Hideyoshi launched a three-day, all-out attack on the castle. Ujimasa finally sent his son to surrender the castle. Hideyoshi ordered Ujimasa to commit seppuku. He confiscated the domains  and sent Ujimasas son and brother into exile. The great Hojo clan was obliterated. Hideyoshis Reign In 1588, Hideyoshi forbade all Japanese citizens besides samurai from owning weapons. This Sword Hunt angered farmers and warrior-monks, who traditionally had kept weapons and participated in wars and rebellions. Hideyoshi wanted to clarify the boundaries between the various social classes in Japan  and to prevent uprisings by the monks and peasants. Three years later, Hideyoshi issued another order forbidding anyone from hiring ronin, the wandering samurai with no masters. Towns also were barred from allowing farmers to become traders or craftsmen. The Japanese social order was to be set in stone. If you were born a farmer, you died a farmer. If you were a samurai born into the service of a particular daimyo, there you stayed. Hideyoshi himself rose from the peasant class to become kampaku. Nonetheless, this hypocritical order helped to usher in a centuries-long era of peace and stability. In order to keep the daimyo in check, Hideyoshi ordered them to send their wives and children to the capital city as hostages. The daimyo themselves would spend alternating years in their fiefs and in the capital. This system, called sankin kotai or alternate attendance, was codified in 1635 and continued until 1862. Finally, Hideyoshi also ordered a nationwide population census  and a survey of all the lands. It measured not only the exact sizes of the different domains  but also the relative fertility and expected crop yield. All of this information was key for setting taxation rates. Succession Problems Hideyoshis only children were two boys, from his principal concubine Chacha (also known as Yodo-dono or Yodo-gimi), the daughter of Oda Nobunagas sister. In 1591, Hideyoshis only son, a toddler named Tsurumatsu, suddenly died, followed soon by Hideyoshis half-brother Hidenaga. The kampaku adopted Hidenagas son Hidetsugu as his heir. In 1592, Hideyoshi became the taiko or retired regent, while Hidetsugu took the title of kampaku. This retirement was in name only, however- Hideyoshi maintained his hold on power. The following year, however, Hideyoshis concubine Chacha gave birth to a new son. This baby, Hideyori, represented a serious threat to Hidetsugu. Hideyoshi had a substantial force of bodyguards posted to protect the child from any attack by his uncle. Hidetsugu developed a bad reputation across the country as a cruel and blood-thirsty man. He was known to drive out into the countryside with his musket and shoot down farmers in their fields just for practice. He also played executioner, relishing the job of chopping up convicted criminals with his sword. Hideyoshi could not tolerate this dangerous and unstable man, who posed an obvious threat to the baby Hideyori. In 1595, he accused Hidetsugu of plotting to overthrow him and ordered him to commit seppuku. Hidetsugus head was displayed on the city walls after his death. Shockingly, Hideyoshi also ordered Hidetsugus wives, concubines, and children all to be brutally executed except for a one-month-old daughter. This excessive cruelty was not an isolated incident in Hideyoshis later years. He also ordered his friend and tutor, the tea-ceremony master Rikyu, to commit seppuku at the age of 69 in 1591. In 1596, he ordered the crucifixion of six shipwrecked Spanish Franciscan missionaries, three Japanese Jesuits, and 17 Japanese Christians at Nagasaki. Invasions of Korea Throughout the late 1580s and early 1590s, Hideyoshi sent a number of emissaries to King Seonjo of Korea, demanding safe passage through the country for the Japanese army. Hideyoshi informed the Joseon king that he intended to conquer Ming China and India. The Korean ruler made no reply to these messages. In February 1592, 140,000 Japanese army troops arrived in an armada of some 2,000 boats and ships. It attacked Busan, in southeastern Korea.  In weeks, the Japanese advanced to the capital city of Seoul. King Seonjo and his court fled north, leaving the capital to be burned and looted. By July, the Japanese held Pyeongyang as well. The battle-hardened samurai troops cut through the Korean defenders like a sword through butter, to China’s concern. The land war went Hideyoshis way, but Korean naval superiority made life difficult for the Japanese. The Korean fleet had better weaponry and more experienced sailors. It also had a secret weapon- the iron-clad turtle ships, which were nearly invulnerable to Japans underpowered naval cannon. Cut off from their food and ammunition supplies, the Japanese army got bogged down in the mountains of northern Korea. Korean Admiral Yi Sun Shin scored a devastating victory over Hideyoshis navy at the Battle of Hansan-do on August 13, 1592. Hideyoshi ordered his remaining ships to cease engagements with the Korean navy.  In January 1593, the Wanli Emperor of China sent 45,000 troops to reinforce the beleaguered Koreans. Together, the Koreans and Chinese pushed Hideyoshis army out of Pyeongyang. The Japanese were pinned down and with their navy unable to deliver supplies, they began to starve.  In mid-May1593, Hideyoshi relented and ordered his troops home to Japan. He did not give up his dream of a mainland empire, however. In August 1597, Hideyoshi sent a second invasion force against Korea. This time, however, the Koreans and their Chinese allies were better prepared. They stopped the Japanese army short of Seoul and forced them back toward Busan in a slow, grinding drive. Meanwhile, Admiral Yi set out to crush Japans rebuilt naval forces once more. Death Hideyoshis grand imperial scheme came to an end on September 18, 1598, when the taiko died. On his deathbed, Hideyoshi repented sending his army into this Korean quagmire. He said, Dont let my soldiers become spirits in a foreign land. Hideyoshis biggest concern as he lay dying, however, was the fate of his heir. Hideyori was only 5 years old and unable to assume his fathers powers, so Hideyoshi set up the Council of Five Elders to rule as his regents until he came of age. This council included Tokugawa Ieyasu, Hideyoshi’s one-time rival. The old taiko extracted vows of loyalty to his little son from a number of other senior daimyo and sent precious gifts of gold, silk robes, and swords to all the important political players. He also made personal appeals to the Council members to protect and serve Hideyori faithfully. Hideyoshis Legacy The Council of Five Elders kept the taikos death a secret for several months while they withdrew the Japanese army from Korea. With that piece of business complete, though, the council broke down into two opposing camps. On one side was Tokugawa Ieyasu. On the other were the remaining four elders. Ieyasu wanted to take power for himself. The others supported little Hideyori. In 1600, the two forces came to blows in the Battle of Sekigahara. Ieyasu prevailed  and declared himself shogun. Hideyori was confined to Osaka Castle. In 1614, the 21-year-old Hideyori began to gather soldiers, preparing to challenge Tokugawa Ieyasu. Ieyasu launched the Siege of Osaka in November, forcing him to disarm and sign a peace pact. The next spring, Hideyori tried again to gather troops. The Tokugawa army launched an all-out attack on Osaka Castle, reducing sections to rubble with their cannon and setting the castle on fire. Hideyori and his mother committed seppuku. His 8-year-old son was captured by the Tokugawa forces and beheaded. That was the end of the Toyotomi clan. The Tokugawa shoguns would rule Japan until the Meiji Restoration of 1868. Although his lineage did not survive, Hideyoshis influence on Japanese culture and politics was enormous. He solidified the class structure, unified the nation under central control, and popularized cultural practices such as the tea ceremony. Hideyoshi finished the unification begun by his lord, Oda Nobunaga, setting the stage for the peace and stability of the Tokugawa Era. Sources Berry, Mary Elizabeth. Hideyoshi. Cambridge: The Harvard University Press, 1982.  Hideyoshi, Toyotomi. 101 Letters of Hideyoshi: The Private Correspondence of Toyotomi Hideyoshi. Sophia University, 1975.Turnbull, Stephen. Toyotomi Hideyoshi: Leadership, Strategy, Conflict. Osprey Publishing, 2011.

Patterns and Sorting Teaching Activities for Children

Patterns and Sorting Teaching Activities for Children Teaching patterns to your child goes hand in hand with teaching them how to sort. Both activities rely on seeing the characteristics and attributes a set of items has in common. When kids think about sorting, they think about putting things into piles based on the most visible characteristic they have in common, but if you help your child to look a little closer, they’ll be able to see subtler common attributes, too. Ways to Sort Items Toddlers and preschoolers start sorting early on when they put their various toys in color-oriented piles. Color is just one of many attributes to look at. Others include: SizeShapeTextureLengthType of objects Depending on the objects you have to use for patterns and sorting, it can get even more complicated. For example, if your child is sorting buttons, he can sort them by size, sort them by color, and/or by the number of holes in each button. Shoes can be sorted into left and right, laces and no laces, stinky or not stinky and so on. Connecting Sorting and Patterns Once your child recognizes that a group of objects can be put into groups by their similar characteristics, they can start making patterns by using those characteristics. Those buttons? Well, let’s consider the ones with two holes â€Å"Group A† and the ones with four holes â€Å"Group B.† If there were any buttons with one hole, those can be â€Å"Group C.† Having these different groups opens up a number of different ways to construct patterns. The most common pattern groupings are: ABAABBAAABABC It’s important to point out to your child that what makes a pattern a pattern is that the sequence repeats in the same order. So, putting down a two-holed button, a four-holed button and a two-holed button isn’t yet a pattern. Your child would need to put down another four-holed button to complete two sequences of the pattern to begin a pattern. Look for Patterns In Books Though the concept of patterning is mathematical, patterns can be found everywhere. Music has patterns, language has patterns, and nature is a world full of patterns. One of the easiest ways to help your child discover patterns in the world is to read books that are either specifically about patterns or contain language patterns. Many children’s books, like  Are You My Mother?,  rely on patterns to tell a story. In that particular book, the baby bird asks each character the title question when he meets them, and they each reply No. In the story of The Little Red Hen, (or the more modern version, The Little Red Hen Makes a Pizza), the hen is looking for someone to help grind the wheat and repeats the phrase over and over again. There a number of stories like this. Look For Patterns in Music Music is a little more difficult for some children because not all of them are able to distinguish the difference between a sound going up and a sound going down. There are basic patterns to listen for, though, such as the repetition of a chorus after a verse and the repeating melody of a verse and a chorus. You can also point out the patterns of short notes and long notes or play games that teach your child the patterns of rhythm. Often, learning simple clap, tap, slap patterns can help kids listen for the patterns in music. If your child is more visual, they can benefit from looking at the patterns found on instruments. A piano keyboard, for example, has a number of patterns on it, the simplest of which is found on the black keys. From end to end, the black keys are in groups of 3 keys, 2 keys, 3 keys, 2 keys. Once your child has grasped the concept of patterns, theyll not only see them everywhere, but they’ll be off to a great start when it comes to learning math!

Starbucks Marketing Personal Statement Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Starbucks Marketing - Personal Statement Example At first, I was hesitant to join her. I thought, why should I pay $3 for a cup of coffee when I can buy it for $0.50 in Dunkin Donuts I thought it was absurd that a person should do that. I mean, what's the big difference After her volunteering to treat me out just so that I would get to taste her favorite frapuccino, I did not resist. My first Starbucks experience has been very memorable. Truly, it is incomparable with McCafe or Dunkin Donuts. Upon entry, the barista immediately greeted us and offered the menu. I was really impressed because she did not only manage to get my name but she asked me how I am, and suggest their specialty noting that I am a newcomer to the store. I noticed that she greeted my friend with her first name because she already is a regular customer. She even noted what my friend's favorite offering it to her even before she asks for it. In contrast to the cluttered space inside fast foods and bake shops, Starbucks offers a relaxing, inviting, and even calming ambiance. There were huge couches which look and feel like home. The music played was soothing yet at the same time invigorating. I felt so away from the demands and pressures of being a student. Because of these, I associate Starbucks with relaxation, socialization, and indulgence. Their stores become a haven where I not only indulge in a steaming or cold cup of specialty coffee made from organically grown coffee. Starbucks also offers a place where I can sit back and socialize with friends while also relaxing with my favorite songs. The good thing is, I can also take the coffee home and enjoy it while watching movies or just hanging around at school. From its humble beginning, Starbucks has risen to become the most profitable and popular coffee shops in the world. I believe that the company's success lies in its ability to fulfill its promises to the customers. Since its foundation, Starbucks focused in providing a third place where customers can linger the first two being work and home. The company has long envisioned creating a place where customers can unwind and socialize over a cup of coffee. The company complements all these through the provision of excellent customer service where baristas are encouraged to offer personalize service to each of the customer they encounter every day. Starbucks promises that in every moment spent at its stores, it will do everything in order to adequately provide what it calls the "Starbucks experience." Looking at it more closely, Starbucks influenced me a lot as a customer. For one, I never settle for anything less than it. Whenever I think of what to do after a stressful day at school or work, I only choose Starbucks because in the first place which shop could offer my frapuccino My experiences inside the store together with the friendliness of the staff motivate me to keep coming back for more of the "Starbucks experience." It has not only become as my number one choice-it is my ultimate choice After all, if you can have the best why settle for anything less The price of $3 per cup is never enough to pay for the relaxation, serenity, and indulgence that I

Policies to the Maintenance of the National Sovereignty Case Study

Policies to the Maintenance of the National Sovereignty - Case Study Example For any immigration policy to have sustainable success, the key element to be taken care is assimilation. However, no country in the world has been successful as the United States, in ensuring the acculturation of the immigrants. It has been ensured to turn the immigrants into Americans at the soonest as a result of the strategic immigration policy. This successful immigration policy has earned the United States of America the fame as the world’s first universal nation. (Hayworth, John D & Eule, Joe, 2006 b) This assimilation has had extensive acceleration in the early twentieth century due to the active involvement of public schools, churches, and other social organizations in promoting the Americanization process. Interestingly even larger corporate firms took up the onus of carrying out the deliverables of the governmental immigration policy. (Hayworth, John D & Eule, Joe, 2006 b) Â   Â   Â   Â   However, a policy change more assertive on multiculturalism than on Americanization changed the scenario to a large extent. The policies changed its concerns more towards cultural equity and respect than on Americanization. Even the education system and the governance system asserting on bilingual strategies stand as a proof for this development. Unfortunately, these policy changes led to the segregation of the immigrants from the American born citizens (Lippman, Lorna, 1983). The matter of higher concern is that this segregation never melted through generations. The newer generations of the immigrants were also encouraged to stick on to their own cultural values though to a varied extent. Resultantly The United States of America turned out to be a nation where varied cultures and people of nationalities coexisted in peace but was never united as a single community having similar values and goals (Hayworth, John D & Eule, Joe, 2006 b). To be more precise, the immi gration policies never encouraged this binding process.

Peace Processes Are the Preferred Method of Establishing Lasting Peace Assignment

Peace Processes Are the Preferred Method of Establishing Lasting Peace - Assignment Example The move to use peaceful means for dispute resolution was accelerated in large part by the influx of the First and Second World War in the twentieth century. The use of violence failed to accomplish little more than death and destruction on a scale never witnessed before in both of these wars. This paper will attempt to analyse why peace processes have failed to end the violence in conflicts. The scope of the current discussion will remain limited to the twentieth and the twenty-first centuries alone in order to develop a stronger argument. The first major visible effort for initiating peace in the twentieth century came through the Treaty of Versailles in the aftermath of the First World War. Some may argue that the Treaty of Versailles was little more than retribution for Germany’s actions in the war. However, it must be borne in mind that the statesmen of Europe were mature enough to attempt to deliver lasting peace using the Treaty of Versailles. This maturity stemmed from previous peacebuilding efforts such as the Congress of Vienna that had delivered Europe with peace for nearly a century (King, 2008) (Zamoyski, 2007). The comparison between the Treaty of Versailles and the Congress of Vienna provides an immediately noticeable difference – the representation of stakeholders. The Congress of Vienna was highly tolerant of the demands of Talleyrand but there was no such behaviour at the drafting of the Treaty of Versailles. It has also been suggested that the Germans were purposefully kept out of the dr afting procedures in order to deliver a harsh blow to the German state under the Treaty. While the Congress of Vienna was tolerant of the French, the Treaty of Versailles was discriminatory to the Germans (Lentin, 1985). This behaviour of the Allied victors through the Treaty of Versailles was enough to instigate German resistance to this understanding of peace.  

Movie Reflection Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Movie Reflection - Essay Example For instance, the conspiracy that Gittes unravels does not fit a real noir crime film because there is the absence of high-speed loot, no gems, and jewels. Instead, Huston, and other people are planning to dry up the San Fernando Valley by moving water to another direction in order to purchase the land cheaply, and then re-divert water back into the land so that the land becomes fertile, and sell it at a higher price. The central question is how Evelyn Mulwray fits in all this activities and who is this mysterious woman associated with Mulwray. Skyfall is a film produced by Eon productions and directed by Mendes Sam. This film is the twenty -third James Bond movie. The movie focuses on James Bond inquiring an attack or assault on MI6. The assault is part of the ploy by former MI6 employee Raoul Silva to embarrass, kill, and discredit M as a vengeful mission against her for deceiving him. The movie made its debut in 2012 when it premiered at the Royal Albert Hall in London. The storyline of the movie begins when Eve and James Bond chase Patrice, a mercenary who has stolen a computer with crucial information of undercover officers placed in terrorist or extremist group by NATO Countries. As the movie progresses, Patrice shoots James Bond, and the fight escalates, Eve unintentionally wounds Bond which gives Patrice a chance to escape. James Bond plunges into a river, assumed dead. After the botched mission, M, the leader of MI6 group faces political pressure to step down for failing to handle extremist activities. Mi6 computers are broken and M gets teasing information before MI6 offices explodes killing MI6 workers. This turn of events forces MI6 to move its offices underground. James utilizes his assumed death to retire, learns of the explosion, and goes back to London. Despite failing to pass several psychological and physical tests, M accepts the return of Bond to work. This movie discusses the

Can social psychology save humanity Discuss Essay

Can social psychology save humanity Discuss - Essay Example Myers also points how â€Å"materialism† and â€Å"consumerist culture† can never provide lasting peace for its pursuers. Myers asserts that material affluence can at best give a temporary surge of happiness. What would give lasting happiness are the following - loving close relationships, adherence to a religious faith, a positive outlook, a stress-free work environment, etc. In effect, a low consumption, non-materialistic way of life could fetch more happiness for the individual and the group. The theory is backed by plenty of statistic. Several surveys have shown that married people are happier than those who are single; more church-goers find inner harmony than non-believers; those involved in community activities find more satisfaction than the rest (Yang, Kleinman, et al., 2007). It is important to recognize the current prevalence of misery and distress across the globe. Statistics show that the financially well-off are only marginally happier than their poorer compatriots. It means that additional wealth that is not essential for survival provides disproportionately low value. The recent decades had seen an increase in the cases of depression and suicide. While societies are getting more affluent, the distribution of wealth remains highly uneven. For example, the gap between the rich and poorer sections of society is wider than ever before. The percentage of people living in poverty had not changed much. Life-threatening epidemics such as malaria and AIDS are rampant in the third world. Teenage suicide rates are at an all time high. Violent crimes have not abated despite legislation to curb them. A large chunk of humanity does not even have access to basic amenities like clean water, electricity and telephone facility. All of the above conditions paint a da rk and discouraging picture of the present human condition. But all is not lost.

Movie Reflection Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Movie Reflection - Essay Example For instance, the conspiracy that Gittes unravels does not fit a real noir crime film because there is the absence of high-speed loot, no gems, and jewels. Instead, Huston, and other people are planning to dry up the San Fernando Valley by moving water to another direction in order to purchase the land cheaply, and then re-divert water back into the land so that the land becomes fertile, and sell it at a higher price. The central question is how Evelyn Mulwray fits in all this activities and who is this mysterious woman associated with Mulwray. Skyfall is a film produced by Eon productions and directed by Mendes Sam. This film is the twenty -third James Bond movie. The movie focuses on James Bond inquiring an attack or assault on MI6. The assault is part of the ploy by former MI6 employee Raoul Silva to embarrass, kill, and discredit M as a vengeful mission against her for deceiving him. The movie made its debut in 2012 when it premiered at the Royal Albert Hall in London. The storyline of the movie begins when Eve and James Bond chase Patrice, a mercenary who has stolen a computer with crucial information of undercover officers placed in terrorist or extremist group by NATO Countries. As the movie progresses, Patrice shoots James Bond, and the fight escalates, Eve unintentionally wounds Bond which gives Patrice a chance to escape. James Bond plunges into a river, assumed dead. After the botched mission, M, the leader of MI6 group faces political pressure to step down for failing to handle extremist activities. Mi6 computers are broken and M gets teasing information before MI6 offices explodes killing MI6 workers. This turn of events forces MI6 to move its offices underground. James utilizes his assumed death to retire, learns of the explosion, and goes back to London. Despite failing to pass several psychological and physical tests, M accepts the return of Bond to work. This movie discusses the

Research Paper 1 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3750 words

Research Paper 1 - Essay Example the client acted on advice of counsel". Some of its derivatives include, but are not limited to, advisory counsel, appellate counsel, assigned counsel, corporate counsel, general counsel and King's Counsel. Under the Old Testament the word "counsel" and its derivatives, (which include "counselor") appear 118 times along the span of a number of constituent books that, on the whole form the first part of the Bible. Some of these Books (along with a selection of the references) are listed herein below.2 Please note that the relevant words are italicized and that, more importantly, these are not an exhaustive list.3 "An adviser (Proverbs 11:14; 15:22), a king's state counsellor (2 Samuel 15:12). Used once of the Messiah (Isaiah 9:6). In Mark 15:43, Luke 23:50, the word probably means a member of the Jewish Sanhedrim." It is clear, whether used as a verb, or a noun, the term "counsel" remains remarkably similar in use and in definition, as exemplified in the references above, to the definition provided by Black's Law Dictionary. It is to this extent, that we may deduce the word to mean "advice" or "advice"/"advisor". Furthermore, please note the use of the term in the New Testament. As mentioned above, the references are only to provide a guideline of what is the prevalent position of the term and are not a conclusive list of its appearance in the New Testament.5 It is clear that the use of the term does not differ much from its use in the Old Testament. It is to this effect, that it can seen that the use of the word "counsel" to be synonymous with the word advice. On a clear and literal interpretation of the word, counsel and advice, or, in addition, counselor and advisor mean much the same thing. Healing through Jesus Christ has many biblical examples like the story of the healing at the pool of Bethesda in John 5:2-15. "In these lay a great multitude of sick people, blind, lame, paralyzed, waiting for the moving of the water," (John 5:3 ). The word wisdom is generally associated with its root word "wise", which is defined Showing good judgement or the benefit of experience." although this takes the form of the adjective; the noun is defined by Wiktionary6 as either the element of personal character that causes one to distinguish the wise from the unwise, a piece of wise advice, the discretionary use of knowledge for the greatest good.7Furthermore the Dictionary also describes it as the ability to apply relevant knowledge in an insightful way, especially to different situations from that in which the knowledge was gained. According the Oxford English Dictionary wisdom is the capacity to judge rightly in matters relating to life and conduct and allowing soundness of judgement in our daily decisions in a more practical way. Wisdom is defined by Easton's Bible Dictionary as: "A moral rather than an intellectual quality. To be "foolish" is to be godless (Psalm 14:1; Comp. Judges 19:23; 2 Samuel 13:13). True wisdom is a gift from God to those who ask it (Job 28:12-28; Proverbs 3:13-18; Romans 1:22; 16:27; 1 Corinthians 1:17-21; 2:6-8; James 1:5). "Wisdom" in Proverbs 1:20; 8:1; 9:1-5 may be regarded not as a mere personification of the attribute of wisdom, but as a divine

Information Technology Management Essay Example for Free

Information Technology Management Essay Information and communication technologies play critical roles in sustaining an organizations growth and profitability (Galliers Leidner, 2003). If managed properly, investments in information and communication technologies can improve efficiency and effectiveness of business processes and an organization’s competitive posture in the market. Proper management of information and communication technologies investments can also enrich people’s lives in the organization improving job satisfaction and productivity. Galliers Leidner, 2003). Success in managing information and communication investments depend largely on exercising good management practices like human capital management, staff training management, information technology architecture management and software management (Galliers Leidner, 2003). However, with all the potential benefits of investments in information and communication projects, they can be risky, costly and unproductive if not managed properly (Galliers Leidner, 2003). Organizations should therefore strive to attract and retain information technology personnel that are qualified and talented to ensure the success of information and technology investments. This is further complicated by a tight information and technology labor market where qualified information and technology personnel enjoy high mobility. Discussion The position I am required to design is a leadership position intended to provide technical direction and guide an organization in implementing strategic information and communication projects (Food and Agriculture organization of the United Nations, 2010). The occupant of this position is expected to be able to handle a wide range of duties and responsibilities. He or she should be able to use his/ her exposure, technical experience and business knowledge in developing an organization’s technical plans and to advise senior management on information technology strategies, standards and governance (Galliers Leidner, 2003). In addition he or she will be expected to monitor the industry’s trends in information technology and respond appropriately by formulating long term information technology strategies capable of improving an organization’s competitiveness. The senior information technology manager will work under the general supervision of the chief executive officer. In line with work plans and resource allocation coordination provided by the chief executive officer, he or she will be responsible for effective planning, supervision and delivery of assigned functions that fall within an information and communication department (Food and Agriculture organization of the United Nations, 2010) so as to ensure that an organization’s requirements for information systems and information technology are effectively and efficiently met. He will also be responsibility for ensuring that an organization’s computer systems have the capacity to meet the business needs of an organization by either upgrading existing systems or developing new systems (Info Tech Employment, 2008). Additional functions will include participation in planning, coordinating and setting policies for the development and implementation of an organization’s information technology strategies, supporting standards, procedures and practices, supervising and coordinating works of external firms in special projects or functions to ensure quality and timely delivery, providing consultant services in regards to procurement of new information technology equipments and computer systems, supervising members of staff assigned to special projects or functions and coordinating their training and development to ensure that they are up to the tasks and finally, developing and monitoring key performance indicators of assigned functions within an information technology department (Food and Agriculture organization of the United Nations, 2010). The senior information technology manager is expected to have an excellent working knowledge in information technology and a commitment to keep up to dat e with the latest development (Galliers Leidner, 2003). He should demonstrate people’s management skills with an ability to motivate staff members, provide a cooperative and productive work environment, manage resources effectively to achieve objectives, organize and coordinate work in the department and explain technical issues clearly (Info Tech Employment, 2008). He or she will be tasked with leading changes that fall within the information technology department, hence must be able to integrate organizational and departmental goals, priorities and values. In addition, he or she should have experience in managing large scale projects in information systems and technology (Food and Agriculture organization of the United Nations, 2010). To fulfill these expectations, a university degree in computer science or related fields and appropriate professional certifications are mandatory. Moreover, the candidate of choice should have at least five years management experience in information technology. He should demonstrate experience with standard software applications and data manipulation, analysis and interpretation tools (Food and Agriculture organization of the United Nations, 2010). Conclusion Information technology investments can be very beneficial to an organization as a whole if they are managed properly. Organizations should therefore strive to hire and retain qualified, experienced and talented information technology managers. This is not easy given the current information technology labor market. The labor market is characterized by high mobility of qualified labor and organizations must put in place effective measures to ensure they hire the right people. One of the measures an organization should take is defining clear structures and responsibilities of all employees in the information technology department. The senior information technology manager will provide technical direction and guidance to the organization in implementing strategic information technology projects. He will be responsible for ensuring effective and efficient management of resources within the information technology department.

Visiting Nice †Jewel of the French Riviera

Visiting Nice – Jewel of the French Riviera Nice – Jewel of the French Riviera Salut! (Hello in French) As the jewel of the French Riviera (Cote d’Azure), the appeal of Nice is universal. A glamorous city with blue-green beaches, year-round sunshine, fashionable boutiques, splendid museums and galleries, a vibrant and energetic nightlife – Nice is a city that truly has it all! A major tourist attraction because of its splendid beaches and spectacular landscapes nearby, Nice casts a spell on visitors with its charm and energy. A perfect destination for everyone, from backpackers to wealthy businessmen, from partygoers to art aficionados and from honeymooners to families, you could spend a fortnight here and still be left craving for more! Best Season to Visit Nice With year-round sunshine and cool sea breezes, there is actually no bad time to visit Nice. Summer (June to August) is the most crowded season with a horde of tourists visiting. Parties run late into the night and the Jazz Festival is held during this time. Autumn (September to November) is a great time to visit with lesser tourist activity and milder temperatures. Winter (November to March) is mild and while one cannot venture into the sea during this season, it is perfect for sightseeing with minimal clouds and pleasant weather. The Carnival is held in February and is generally acknowledged to be the best in Europe. Spring (March to May) is pretty much the perfect time to visit, with the flowers in bloom, temperate weather and fewer tourists. Highlights (Special Things to Do in Nice) Visit the Port – Drink in the sight of all the glamorous yachts and the colorful fishing boats arrayed together while sipping on champagne in one of the many restaurants that line the port side. Climb up to Castle Hill (Colline du Chateau) and be rewarded with a beautiful view of the beachside and the sea. For a glimpse of St. Petersburg in France, pay a visit to the Cathedrale Saint Nicolas. Colorful and spectacular, it holds the distinction of being the first church to be designated a Russian Orthodox Church outside of Russia! Be enthralled by the fragrance and riot of colors at the Cours Saleya Flower Market – famous in all of Europe for the sheer variety of well-known and unusual flowers that are on display here for sale. Take a day-trip to the nearby Principality of Monaco. Everything about this small country screams luxury – Palaces, casinos, spectacular beaches, luxury cruise ships and yachts and even a Formula One Grand Prix if you visit in May. Try the famous beer sorbet at Fenocchio, considered the best ice cream parlor in Nice. Visit in July to get a chance to listen to â€Å"All that Jazz† – The annual Nice Jazz Festival is held at this time and features some of the best musicians performing from around the world. Sail to St. Tropez, the undisputed glamour capital of Europe – from celebrities to royalty, everybody who’s anybody holidays in this glitzy, resort town of azure beaches, luxury yachts and elegant villas! Experience the quiet life of the French countryside by visiting the charming village of Eze, perched atop a rocky mountain, with its ruined castle and beautiful views of the Mediterranean Sea. Be sure to feast on the Nicoise cuisine, especially the Socca (chickpea pancake) and the mouth-watering Pissaladiere (thick crust Pizza with a topping of caramelized onions and anchovies). Go celebrity spotting on a day-trip to Cannes during the annual Cannes Film Festival, that attracts the who’s who of filmdom from all around the world. Step out into the night and be entertained. Dancing to the beats all night at a disco, the thrill of gambling at casinos or quietly sipping a drink at a lounge bar – the nightlife of Nice offers you all this and more! Attractions in Nice Old Town (Vieux Nice) Vieux Nice (Old Town): The Old Town in Nice is a maze of narrow streets and winding alleys that are lined with beautiful Baroque churches, elegant cafes, trendy shops and vibrant public squaresBe sure to include the Cathedrale de Sainte Reparte and the Eglise du Jesu churches, and the Palais Lascaris, once an elegant home that has been transformed into an art museum now. Place Massena: The city’s main square, it is centrally located with the seaside to the south, the prime shopping street of Avenue Jean Medicin leading off to the north and beautiful gardens surrounding it. It retains an old world charm with many roadside cafes that one can hang out in. Place Garibaldi: One of the larger public squares bordering the Old Town, and along the way to the Port, this square is bordered by charming cafes and elegant shops. Every third Saturday of the month, a market is setup at the square that sells all manner of treasures from antique furniture to designer handbags and even old magazines! The Promenade Baie des Anges: The bay that is adjacent to the city of Nice on the Mediterranean is popular for swimming. The beach is pebbly and offers a contrast from the normal sandy beaches along the Mediterranean. Swim in the waters, or relax by lying on the beachside while waiting for the famed, epic sunsets of the Cote d’Azure. Promenade des Anglais: The runs adjacent to the bay and is a 4 kilometer long walkway that offers a leisurely stroll by the light blue Mediterranean sea. The road that runs parallel to this promenade houses many elegant cafes, hotels and shops. Colline du Chateau: The Castle Hill is situated at one end of the Promenade des Anglais and overlooks the city. One can take an elevator or climb the 200 steps to the top, to be rewarded with panoramic views of the Old Town and the seaside. Port Lympia: Beautiful Venetian-colored buildings line the quayside while multi-million pound yachts are parked in the sea at the port. Visit one of the many roadside cafes and restaurants and feast your eyes on the lovely yachts, home to the rich and famous tourists on their visit to Nice. Cimiez Musee Chagall: The Chagall Museum is a museum that is dedicated to the artwork of Marc Chagall. It houses the largest collection of paintings, sculptures and drawings by Chagall. Musee Archeologique de Nice: The museum lies at the site of the Roman ruins and displays artefacts and sculptures from the days of the Roman Empire. The ruins of Nice are a reminder of its days as an outpost of the Roman Empire. The amphitheater here is still used to this day during the annual Jazz festival. Gare de Nice Ville Cathedrale Saint Nicolas: A striking Russian Orthodox Church with onion bulb domes and beautiful sculptures, this is one cathedral you wouldn’t want to miss visiting! A strict dress code is enforced that excludes short skirts, shorts and T-shirts. Shopping in Nice There are many shopping streets that are worth exploring in Nice. Nice boasts of high street designer brands, open air markets with a typical French character as well as large supermarkets that sell everything that you would ever think of buying. Be sure to explore the shopping delights of Nice at leisure and fill your shopping bags with the choicest of items from the markets of Nice. Bear in mind that most shops are closed on Sundays. Avenue Jean Medicin is the undisputed main shopping street of Nice. Home to designer boutiques, high street brands and large department stores, the avenue is choc-a-bloc with some of the best stores vying for shopper’s attention. The main pedestrian shopping street of Nice is the Rue de France that is famed for exclusive clothing boutiques. A large number of cafes and restaurants also line the street that provides a welcome option for refreshments while shopping. The open markets of Nice are famous throughout Europe. The Cours Saleya in the heart of Old Nice is worth visiting for its famed flower market, in addition to the food, spices and fish markets nearby. Every Monday, the market is transformed into a flea market selling antiques and secondhand clothes. How to reach Nice Nice is a major holiday destination of Europe and well connected by various modes. Nice Airport is one of the busiest in France and has frequent daily flights to Paris as well as direct flights to almost all major European cities, as well as destinations in North Africa, Middle East and Canada. Nice is also well connected on the railway network with trains to Paris, many Italian cities and even a weekly long distance train arriving from Moscow via Warsaw and Vienna. Long distance buses connect Nice with major European cities and the motorways are a great way to reach the city from either east or the west, with spectacular drives by the coastline. Being along the coastline, Nice is extremely well connected by the sea, and all holiday cruise liners have Nice among their destinations. Ferries connect it directly to many other nearby ports. How to get around in Nice Nice has its own local bus network which forms the primary mode of public transport within the city. Train services are available connecting it to the other nearby tourist attractions along the Riviera. Taxis, scooters and bikes are the other ways of getting around the city. The local bus network, known as the Lignes d’Azur is the main urban transport option for locals to get to work or school. Of greater importance to tourists is the inter-urban network called the TAM, which connects Nice with other towns on the Riviera, such as Cannes, Menton and villages like Vence. The Tram line links the main bus station, train station, downtown and the university. It is of value to tourists other than getting them to the city center. Regional trains operated by the SCNF link all the eastern coastal towns and are a good way to travel between the towns along the French Riviera. Taxis are expensive and it is not always easy to find one. It is better to hire one from your hotel or from a designated taxi rank. Cycling enthusiasts can rent cycles to explore the city and its outskirts. Nice has a public bicycle rental system and the first 30 minutes of usage is free. While Nice is a large and sprawling city, most of the tourist and historic attractions are concentrated within the city center, around a twenty minute walking radius. Walking is a great way of getting around for tourists and exploring the attractions of foot allows visitors to drink in the sights of this glamorous city! Top Areas of Nice Gare de Nice Ville: The main railway station of Nice was originally built away from the city center, but the modern city has grown around the station, making it the city center. The station building is a beautiful piece of architecture. Most of the Nice hotels are concentrated around the railway station. Promenade des Anglais: The area of Nice that began to e [populated the foremost thanks to its spectacular location by the sea, the Promenade is flanked by the Bay of Angels on one side and many hotels and restaurants on the other side. Vieux Nice: The Old Town of Nice is a maze of alleys with many beautiful churches, cafes and shops. It is the central part of the historic town of Nice. Cimiez: Home to the ancient Roman Ruins and the Musee Matisse, this is an elegant neighborhood of Nice that played host to Queen Victoria, who stayed at the Hotel Regina during her trips to the French Riviera. Vieux Port: The port of Nice is a beautiful locality with Venetian style buildings and yachts and ferries crowding the quay. Yachts can also be rented from here for taking trips along the French Riviera and the Mediterranean Sea. Palais Des Congres: This locality gets its name from the Palais Des Congres Acroplois, which is a convention center that hosts various events. Merci! (Thank you in French)